In China, ever since president Xi Jinping launched his promise to crack down on corruption both high and low (or to use his phrase, “striking tigers and flies at the same time “), a dark cloud seemed to have engulfed Chinese politics. The corruption drives seemed to have consumed absolutely everyone, and has been the talk both within China and abroad. Hardly a day seemed to go by without some “high ranking official” getting sacked for alleged embezzlement, misconduct, or plain neglect of official duties. Yet, despite all the fanfare, how much of an impact is the crackdown really making?
First, it needed to be said, this official drive against corruption has been popular with the Chinese people. Official corruption has long been a source of anger among most Chinese and they resent the way that government officials are able to use their given authorities to further their own ends. To many Chinese, the direct actions from the Central Government in Beijing are the only ways for which corruptions can be combated, since the national government are the only ones able to protect the defenseless people from the greedy and vicious local officials.
President Xi’s role as a corruption buster would hardly be the first in the long history of China, although it is arguably the largest such drives since the Communist victory in 1949. Throughout China’s imperial history, corruption has always been present in China’s vast bureaucracy. Therefore, it is the duty of the imperial court and the emperor to periodically send out officials from the capital to the provinces to inspect local officials and to hand out punishment to those officials found to be corrupt. One of the key reasons for the Communist victory of 1949 is the ability of the Communist leadership to present an image of themselves as the “incorruptibles”, and portraying their opponents, the Nationalists, as a group of corrupt bandits.
Now fast-forward to 2014, and we see that if we substitute the imperial bureaucracy with the Party bureaucracy; the imperial court with the Central Government in Beijing; the traveling officials of the court with the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (a branch of the Central Government); and the emperor, dare I suggest, with the General Secretary of the Communist Party, Xi Jinping himself; and we then see a parallel system of combating corruption. Namely, by arresting those responsible and seize their ill-gotten assets. However, if we look at this method of combating corruption, we see that it is neglecting the true causes that enabled these corruptions to happen in the first place. Arresting officials may be easy to do in the short run and may discourage corrupt practices briefly. Eventually, the energy of a government get tired out and it would declare the corruption drives a success and wrap it up. This sort of solution could not be sustainable in the long run and is merely a stop-gap measure. Or to use our historic analogy, one key reason why every dynasty falls in China is its inability to handle reforms and had to rely on temporary measures to stop these failures in governance; eventually, only a popular uprising and revolution is able to change the status quo.
I’m sure this point is not lost upon the officials who instigated this sort of investigations in the first place. The question we must ask ourselves then is why this corruption drive if everyone knows it is destined to fail? I can divide up the reasons as follows: first, the desire to appear responsible and to gain popularity among the people, and gain credibility and praise for its leaders, most important of which is Xi Jinping himself; second, more importantly, to use this opportunity to eliminate domestic rivals and challenges to the ruling group’s rule through the process of arrest and public humiliation via a media campaign; and thirdly, as an explanation to the method of anti-corruption drives, to preserve the legitimacy of the party and to root out some of its abuses without actually loosening the ruling party’s hold on power.
The Chinese public, like publics everywhere, are eager for sensational news (how much funds he embezzled, how many apartments has he gotten, how many mistresses are being supported by him), and is willing to let the sensational take over the need for true substance, which is the need for institutionalized reform. For those in the highest levels of government right now, this ability to satisfy a public that is eager to combat corruption and see the downfall of corrupt officials makes the corruption drives worth the effort. Boosting its image among the public and gaining their support, the government is able to have a freer hand in dealing with other domestic issues such as the problems relating to environmental degradation; or in the international arena, such as the island disputes in the East and South China Seas. President Xi himself, by seeming to remain aloof from charges of corruption (while in reality his family assets are no less questionable), can gain the credibility needed to implement his political agendas.
In the opaque environment of Chinese politics, power is never as secure as it looks to the outsiders. There exists numerous factions with the Party itself, jousting for influence with one another. President Xi had gained power over the years by outmaneuvering his political opponents, most important of whom is Bo Xilai, a disgraced former Party regional leader who had been a key contender for national leadership and who was now found guilty of murder and numerous corruption charges. Now, as a part of his official anti-corruption campaign, Xi is moving against some of his other opponents such as Zhou Yongkang, an ex-security chief arrested for corruption and leaking state secrets. Indeed, the corruption drive, despite its wide scope, has targeted very specific individuals and groups that have opposed Xi in the past and are threatening his own power base. Arguably, partly as a result of the anti-corruption campaign, which rendered his opponents either in a state of confinement or politically powerless, Xi is now arguably the most powerful Chinese leader since the death of Mao Zedong, the founder of the People’s Republic.
Finally, the Chinese leadership, in spite of its political agendas, recognized the need to combat corruption on a serious level, as it presents a threat to its legitimacy in the eyes of the Chinese people. However, the most obvious solution, which is implementing reforms to the structure of governance, will invariably involve the loosening the Party’s grip on power. This is unacceptable to all party officials large and small, past and present. Moreover, the political institutions of China or the lack thereof presents serious challenges to be overcome: the lack of an independent judiciary not subject to political pressures, the intimate relationships between officials and heads of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), the pervasive cronyism as a result of the system of political appointees that run from the top down, etc. All of these are serious problems that needs to be addressed. The problem is, the Party is unable and unwilling to address these problems without themselves becoming discredited and falling from its position as the ruling party of China. Therefore, it had to resort to the sort of temporary stop-gap measures that have been the hallmark of central governments since antiquity. (And, likewise, destined to fail with the passage of time)
I recall reading a book a while back about China, which compared China to the bus in the movie “Speed” (1994), which features Keanu Reeves, Dennis Hopper, and Sandra Bullock. In the movie the cops must prevent a bomb from exploding in the city bus, while keeping the bus hurtling through the streets above 50 miles an hour. Any speed below 50 miles an hour and the bus will explode. Needless to say, China is this bus. Now let’s imagine for ourselves that we are the national leaders of China, and we recognized that there is a ticking bomb on this China bus. However, to keep China going, we must keep the Chinese economy growing at over 7% per year, keep the machineries of government working, and to maintain order onboard. All of these while we are navigating through the streets of international relations, and make sure that no one else is affected by our problems. Corruption is that ticking bomb that will likely explode and will be a problem for the national government if left untreated. However, to tackle it, the national leaders must take into considerations the numerous other factors at play. For now at least, it is simply easier to keep China going forward by developing its economy and distracts the people from the problems the nation is facing, than to tackle issue of corruption through institutional reform.
For more on the Chinese housing market, click here. For more on corruption in the oil industry worldwide, click here.